Showing posts with label Supreme Court. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Supreme Court. Show all posts

Monday, August 5, 2013

Snowden Betrays "Rule of Law" and "Democracy"

Whistleblowers Uncover Illegalities, Not LEGALLY Secret Information


Why do American citizens pay for their employees to break the law and uncover LEGALLY collected information?  Why must we rely on criminal foreign conspiracies like Wikileaks for protection at the same time as we taxpayers MUST pay for a massive and occasionally mind-numbing federal bureaucracy?  It is absurd to laud Bradley Manning and Edward Snowden as American heroes, or even as mere whistleblowers, when they disclose LEGALLY-kept secret information to foreign entities simply because they want to for ideological reasons.   It is wrong to idolize the would-be protectors of our Republic at Wikileaks from Sweden when they can't even follow our legal process to ferret out illegality. Republics work on two basic principles: representation of the voting public and rule of law.  How can you break the law for your own ideological reasons and still claim you are protecting the Republic when "the Republic" thinks differently?  It's a logical contradiction!

And when Manning and Snowden released OUR secret information, nothing improper was found and certainly nothing to justify the information release.  The trial of Bradley Manning shows less about the value of the stolen information and more about the value we place on employees following the law even if they disagree with it.  And I think justice was served by the Manning verdict because one employee disagreed with the law and will necessarily be punished for his crime in breaking it under unwarranted circumstances.  "Due process" works in America, even for traitors.

Bradley Manning was found not guilty of aiding the enemy, perhaps a trumped up charge in the first place when one considers that simply reading Wikileaks for inside information about battlefield activities can hardly be considered intentional assistance to an unidentified enemy of the US who happens upon a website.  He released it to Wikileaks and it then laundered the illegal documents for open viewing.  But, random viewership does not constitute an illegal relationship between an American employee and an enemy.  Though farfetched as a criminal allegation because of its indirectness, I wouldn't justify that information release either because other moles in the US can push the limits further by releasing information that directly harms US troops.

So what value do Americans get out of this relationship if there can be even more important information stolen, which could then be used to contribute to the deaths of more US employees?  Both the weak information already stolen and the potentially damaging information yet to be taken are legally-kept secrets and taking them is a crime, so why do we have to trust third parties, like Wikileaks, that get donations to pick and choose from OUR information?  Why do we have to trust the editorial abilities of Wikileaks when we have no say in their organization other than to give them donations?  I'd prefer American democracy and rule of law over Wikileaks doing what it wants with OUR secrets.  Do we want more secret information out of government extracted by foreigners to punish OUR government or do we want more of our employees to survive their jobs?  I choose the later.

What Manning's conviction on the other counts shows is that the US is serious about its employees' conduct and the oath that they take when they agree to serve us.  Manning was justifiably convicted of espionage and lesser charges because he knowingly collected top-secret information and disclosed it to Wikileaks, a foreign enterprise that traffics in illegal information.  And its information is largely about the US because it believes that the sole superpower needs to be checked while growing powers like China deserve a pass.  Perhaps I was taking liberties with Wikileaks' mission, but they can't gain any freedom of press in China (or Russia) so why the US is the main target mystifies me.  

Whistleblowing is an Abstraction that Serves the Public Only when the Powerful ACTUALLY Break Laws


Wikileaks is not a journalistic outlet, it is simply a laundering website for stolen information.  As I've written before, its only output is based on crime and therefore, it is an organized criminal entity because voluntary donors contribute money to continue stealing from the American people.  Actual journalistic outlets like the New York Times and the Washington Post do a further disservice to American taxpayers by abetting Wikileaks in theft.  They "wash" the stolen secrets of their espionage and produce journalism of limited value.  It is of limited value because the stolen information converted into news articles are legal secrets, the information taken has proven not surprising since its release, and though its content is controversial because of the larger ongoing political debate about privacy and government, the general topic is already subject to more fruitful debates among policymakers.  So what's the big deal with journalists collaborating with government moles and a foreign criminal entity?  Isn't a free and vibrant press more important than monitoring overseas activities?  Well, the big deal is that allowing Wikileaks to continue laundering opens up a gaping wound in the services we pay for and it puts our secrets and our security in the hands voluntary donors, foreigners, and moles.

In fact, the NSA is a legal administration we pay for to protect our society's information from the less than nice actors across the planet.  We also elect and pay representatives to represent our views, which have consistently given a mandate to continue a reasonable security administration to protect us from terrorist threats.  Therefore, the NSA's data collection regime is quite legal despite disagreement as to whether it improperly affects our privacy.  But any alleged invasion of privacy should be combated in the courts, taken to Supreme Court, where real experts determine the boundaries of national security and privacy.  I do not want amateur and rather low-level zealots to interpret our laws or decide their constitutionality.  I do not want ideologues to interpret the privacy abstraction for us when we pays millions of public employees to do better jobs. 

Can't we just pay our public employees to do their jobs without having to worry about would-be heroes undermining their legitimate effort?


Are Manning, Snowden, and Wikileaks really striking a blow for "Democracy"?? 

(NO.  Absolutely the opposite is the case)

 

How do you strike a blow for whisteblowers everywhere if the place you are fleeing to makes their own whistleblowers disappear?  How can you value democracy, exposure of the truth, and rule of law when you flee from the vastly more fair due process of the United States to the authoritarianism of Russia or China?  How can you claim asylum from torture when the place you are fleeing to actually tortures domestic dissidents?  What evidence is there that a CIVILIAN contractor accused of espionage will be treated as foreign enemy combatant when his crime took place in the US, where torture is banned expressly by order of President Obama, civilian courts have a long tradition of handling these types of trials, and they are available because there is not the required warzone exception to close them and open a Guantanamo-style military tribunal (see. Ex. Part Milligan)?

So, there is no evidence that Snowden faces anything other than fair due process, at least the process that the rest of the citizens he seeks to protect also have to face. And Manning's trial and partial acquittal because of allegations his treatment was harsh shows that a MILITARY trial can be quite fair for both the defendant and for the public as it seeks justice.  A sentencing judge will determine if his treatment while in custody is worthy of further scrutiny and if military misconduct occurred on the part of his captors, they will go to jail for their crimes.  And private contractor Edward Snowden will receive a CIVILIAN trial if he ever returns.

Why expose "the truth" to help "democracy" if you are going to a country that oppresses it?


In many of Snowden's supposed host countries where he would seek refuge from the awful "terror and injustice" of the US criminal justice system, there is no comparable legal process for whistleblowing, at least in an open way that allows for protections of the accuser against their bosses.  For example, in Russia, Sergei Magniztsky exposed alleged corruption in his own country.  He discovered the largest known tax-fraud in Russian history.  Yet, he was found murdered in jail and then tried after his death for tax evasion.  What abstraction could a government use to do this after his death other than an authoritarian one, an abstraction far removed from democracy, and one that actually twists the truth for its own ends.  The data trawling NSA program to legally collect phone numbers from foreigners calling into the US is NOT comparable to prison murder and posthumous show trials of actual whistleblowers.  In the NSA case, US government officials emphasize national security with minimal invasion of privacy as opposed to the Russian government using violent repression to stifle those who speak out.  Russian authorities likely did this just to sully his reputation and prevent his martyrdom.

In the US, there are whistleblower protections in almost every facet of government and even in private enterprise.  That means there are clear rules to report misconduct and lawbreaking that avoid show trials, secret police, and indefinite detention in a non-combat area.  There is the Whistleblower Reprisal Program and its hotline that allow Defense Department employees the ability to report without fear of retaliation from their bosses.  If Bradly Manning actually found anything illegal at the Defense Department, he might have done this instead of collaborating with a foreign illegal enterprise, Wikileaks, that seeks to undermine and defraud American taxpayers of covert services they pay for.

Of course the Obama Administration prosecutes more whistle-blowers, but Shouldn't we have a hearing or a trial to determine if their whistle-blowing was justified, and if not, don't we want to remove the criminals from government?


Whistleblowing should be invoked only in the case of CLEAR ILLEGALITY, DECEPTION, or ABUSE of authority.  Most reports of Manning and Snowden's leaked information show that it was embarrassing, but not the most secret or valuable secrets.  What is also clear is that none of three criteria have been met to justify giving them a whistleblower label, meaning the information should have remained secret, and the two government employees who accessed the information criminally released it. 

Claiming the title of whistleblower does not absolve the accused of potential criminal penalties and that is rightly so.  And yes, many critics correctly point out that the Obama administration has lead the way in the conviction of whistleblowers.  Claiming you're a whistleblower is fraught with peril and you must have a convincing case of illegality.  Yet, the Federal government has the right under our law to present a case for prosecution so that the "people's interest" is defended.  Do critics of the number of prosecutions want the government to abandon its duty to seek justice for the American people and simply clap for employees who release any information they want?  There are serious consequences for trying to ferret out corruption if you have taken an oath to serve the American people.

And the aggregate number of prosecutions is less meaningful compared to the actual CONTENT of what the leakers released or disclosed.  We have laws that state expressly that some activities of government employees must remain secret.  If you break that law, you may be convicted and punished because we believe in the rule of law abstraction.  Federal workplace confrontations between employees and those in power should always be scrutinized in a careful way.  But, Snowden and Manning are not whistleblowers and therefore simply raising Obama's prosecution number of actual whisteblowers is a red herring to cover for two non-whistleblowers who will be brought to justice.  What bosses acted improperly toward Snowden or Manning?  How does the legal NSA program compare to whistleblowers in the army who fight their commanders over sexual harassment?  They don't.  Snowden and Manning are simply ideologues who committed a crime in the name of ideology.

And media figures also raise the issue of the World War I-era Espionage Act that is used to try many of these whistleblowers as if the age of law negates any utility for the public.  But, we shouldn't age discriminate  even against laws.  Heck, the 1st amendment dates from the 18th century, yet we still debate the freedom of the press abstraction.  There might just be some good things we can get out of an old law that new ones can't do any better.  Besides even if there is a better law available to combat espionage, we still have to follow the laws on the books right now and follow the process to change it. 

And according to General Military Law 10 U.S.C. 2011, it is illegal for any military personnel to restrict a public employee from communicating with a member of Congress.  Therefore, rather than trouncing around Russia and Latin America, Snowden could have contacted any number of NSA critics in Congress who can use proper, legal, AMERICAN channels to seek a solution that fits his ideological vision.  I wish this debate were about simply changing old pieces of legislation like the Espionage Act because that would conform to the rule of law abstraction instead of journalists abetting theft by accepting Snowden as a whistleblower.

Look to Congress and you'll find a wide array of opposition to the NSA and to government encroachment on "privacy."  Tea Party and Liberal Democrats have consistently opposed the collection of data by the government and they didn't need Snowden or his information in order to express that criticism.  Then with the right argument and the right support, Snowden could have helped change the Espionage Act and incorporated his improvements so we all benefit legally.  In fact, current amendments to the defense appropriation bill would limit the reach of the NSA and have repeatedly threatened to end NSA use of metadata (See Watkins).  This would be an actual legal way to stop the NSA program and they didn't need Snowden or political asylum in a  less democratic country to do it. 

Russia Offers Asylum to a US Spy who Escaped Fair Due Process, the US Supported an Actual Whistleblower Beaten to Death in Russian Federal Prison.


The Whistleblower Protection Act is the legal means for government employees to disclose misconduct, illegality, and generally bad behavior.  It is not an umbrella protection for ideologues who think the US government is collecting too many phone numbers or because it keeps secrets about the necessarily secret activities of its paid employees across the world.  Why do we pay government employees to do their job if a handful of employees can undermine that work simply because they are disloyal to what they view as a corrupt administration and do not believe as their superiors do?  If the real power of this country, the mass of voters,  do not like something, let them show their displeasure by electing officials to represent their point of view.  Even then the responsibility of governing this nation, and all of the responsibilities that the US performs worldwide that other countries won't, must be placed with the public servants chosen by voters and not with the disloyal. 

American laws are not supposed to interpreted by lone zealots deciding for the American people what is best for them, their security, or privacy.  Instead, if the public is really going to be served best, we must strengthen legal systems to detect and destroy corruption while bringing justice to those who use their positions of power for illegal aims.  We do NOT have a federal workforce of individual ideologues interpreting our laws and our democratic-Republic themselves regardless of what the voters and their public servants have decided.

 Say no to a government of dictatorial ideologues!

Sources:


"Dictionary.com" http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/republic?s=t

Mattingly, Phil and Nichols, Hans.  "Obama Pursuing Leakers Sends Warning to Whistle-blowers "  http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2012-10-18/obama-pursuing-leakers-sends-warning-to-whistle-blowers.html

Nuemen, Scott.  "Death And Tax Evasion: The Strange Case Of Sergei Magnitsky"
http://www.npr.org/blogs/thetwo-way/2013/07/11/201120083/death-and-tax-evasion-the-strange-case-of-sergei-magnitsky

Office of the Inspector General.  "Whistleblower Reprisal Investigations."  http://www.dodig.mil/programs/whistleblower/wri.html

-------------------------------------.  "Protected communications; prohibition of retaliatory personnel actions."  http://www.dodig.mil/Resources/PolicyReferences/whistleblower/10_USC_1034.pdf

Starr, Barbara "Snowden did not access 'crown jewels' of NSA intel, official says."  CNN  http://www.cnn.com/2013/07/22/politics/snowden-intel

Supreme Court.  "Ex Parte Milligan." http://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/71/2/case.html

Timesleader. "Congress-debating-reach-of-NSA's-power."  http://www.timesleader.com/news/news/698345/Congress-debating-reach-of-NSAs-power

Watkins, Ali.  "Skeptical Congress Turns Its Spycam on NSA Surveillance."  http://www.mcclatchydc.com/2013/07/17/196962/skeptical-congress-turns-its-spycam.html#.Ue_n-KxnAR4

Wednesday, June 26, 2013

DOMA and the Voting Rights Act: Abstractions Still Win People Over!

A Fascinating (and Logically Flawed) Day 2 of Abstraction at the Supreme Court:

There have been two big Supreme Court decisions in two days, both dealing with the "federalism" abstraction, a division of power between a nation and its parts.  One struck down the Voting Registration Federally-imposed Regime on the South dating from the Civil Rights Era in 1966 and the other struck down a Federal marriage definition. 

I'll look into the civil rights case, Shelby County v. Holder another time.  Here is the 77 page DOMA decision reduced to logical summaries.  This summarizes only the 5-4 Majority Decision.

http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/12pdf/12-307_g2bh.pdf
  • The nation recognized "traditional marriage" at the founding of the country. (See the Syllabus of the decision)
  • The nation recognized that some powers are reserved to the states from the founding of the country to present.
  • States have the constitutional and historical right to define marriage.
  • Some states allow "same-sex marriage," which is a different definition than present at the founding of the country.
  • The 1996 Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) puts "traditional marriage" as THE national marriage definition.
  • DOMA's marriage definition is used by all Federal departments, including the Internal Revenue Service, which has specific tax designations for married couples that are affected.
  • DOMA was a statute conforming to the generally-recognized definition of marriage since the founding of the country.
  • The Federal gov't can't refuse to recognize a state's new definition of marriage.
  • The Federal gov't enforces equal protection of different marriage definitions.
  • The Federal gov't can't enforce uniform statutes of marriage between disagreeing states.
  • Some states do not allow same-sex marriage.
  • The federal government may not enforce "same-sex" or "traditional marriage" definitions in any state.
Some Rhetorical Questions about these abstractions as they come from the top of my head:
  • Will people feel more equal when they voluntarily enter into a relationship after each one of 50 states defines "marriage" themselves and not as 1 united country? 
  • Does a broadened legal definition of just ONE relationship type expand belief in the "equality" abstraction?
  •  Isn't the freedom of association abstraction still dominant when judging interpersonal relations between people?
  • Isn't a same-sex relationship protected under the freedom of association abstraction?
  • If any two people have the right to enter into a non-legal relationship, does society have a right to determine what benefits society gives to those of any class of two voluntary relatives?
  • Isn't there a difference between legal and non-legal relationships with the former being more select and the later more open?
  • Are there other intangible factors that are part of relationships that make them indefinable?
  • If there are indefinable qualities to a relationship, like "love" or "commitment," should we somehow codify these abstractions? 
  • Can we accurately show "love" legally?
  • By broadening the possibilities of the marriage relationship by broadening the legal definition to any two people, do we create a system whereby "marriage" is simply two people showing intent to enter into a legal relationship?
  • Does the legal intent to enter into a relationship equate to the "love," "equality," or "commitment" abstractions?
  • Can any two willing people enter into a legal relationship so long as they, and not society, define their relationship as "committed" or "loving"?  Should we have it this way?
  • Is it beneficial for American society to create laws that separate people based on certain characteristics and the benefits society gets by promoting that separate class?  
  • Can we make laws that protect one class of people (ex. a married couple of whatever definition) and give them special benefits if we reduce the differences between that class of people and those not receiving the benefit?
  • What is the societal incentive to having less distinction between a protected class of people that retain specific benefits if there is less reason to protect that class of people?
  • Is there still a societal benefit to a voluntary relationship where any two people can express legal intent and receive special class designation?    
  • Can and should we afford this?
Ok, so after US vs. Windsor, marriage law is just as complicated as ever.  Now we can't have uniformity, other than a new tax designation refund on IRS forms and more tax refunds for a larger protected class of "married" people in 11 states.  That's the problem with abstractions, they're just ideas that drive you to act as opposed to some new reality that magically appears.  The world is still complex because ideas are NOT reality, only our interpretation of a small part of it.  And we've now opened a legal relationship to individual interpretation of marriage with less separation between the supposedly beneficial class of "married" and the unprivileged class of "unmarried."

The complexity is fascinating!  Anyone know what's best??  Feel free to comment.

Friday, November 2, 2012

The “Corporate Personhood” Abstraction: Citizens United and Collective Free Speech


Citizens United was a Supreme Court case in 2010 that made limits on certain corporate expenditures during elections unconstitutional.  A video titled "Hillary: the Movie" was produced by a non-profit group of people before the 2008 Democratic primary for President.  The production received most of its funding through private donations, but it also received money from for-profit corporations (see Citizens United).  The producers ran into legal problems when they sought to distribute their film through "Video on Demand" during the federally monitored election time.

The movie sought to attack Hillary Clinton and influence the 2008 electorate not to vote for her because the producers believed she had a terrible career and she would offer an ominous future for America if she became President.  The producers' suit against the Federal Elections Commission (F.E.C.), the part of the government that monitors public communication, claimed that the government's rules concerning non-candidate speech were unconstitutional because they prevented its free exercise.  Furthermore, they argued that the F.E.C. should not judge the CONTENT of something like a political video because that "chills" the ability of citizens to speak freely.  A 5-4 Supreme Court largely agreed with the producers in that they could spend "certain portions" of their funds to express their free speech rights.

Criticism of this decision revolves around attacking the abstraction "corporate personhood."  I argue that "corporate personhood" has little basis in reality and fundamentally misses the legal precedents concerning free speech, freedom to contract, and freedom of association that flow from this decision and its precedents.  All three of those "rights" are abstractions yes, but ones that come from constitutional amendments and have been explained through literally thousands of pages of court decisions.  Precedence gives free-speech and association case law some concreteness in that real people can understand and then use them to make real-world decisions.  Critics argue that Political Action Committees (P.A.C.'s) will influence the public in some "negative" way.  Perhaps that might be so, depending on which PAC's you view as harmful to "democracy" and thus deserving of severe government oversight.  However, I argue that this judges the CONTENT of the associated group's speech, meaning a government organization is defining what is and is not acceptable group political speech beyond all precedence because it is defining speech as political or not-political.

In short, I believe that there are two real solutions.  There should either be a continuance of current law so that free speech rights and the right to freely associate are protected as expressed in Citizens United OR there must be a constitutional amendment solution that is worded in a more careful way than those "fixes" offered, namely one that more carefully delineates between the current necessarily stringent candidate requirements and those limiting non-candidate participation in the democratic process.  Simply amending the constitution to end "Corporate Personhood" DOES NOT bring clarity, preserve rights, or sever the money requirement from mass group expression (see this one of many: http://reclaimdemocracy.org/proposed_constitutional_amendments/).  The amendment option has a difficult path toward completion because the constitutional system was meant to be changed slowly.  Perhaps this existing system is more realistic because it accounts for complicated matters like the confluence of money, speech, and federal regulatory power.  Perhaps, the system and the capabilities of the human mind to understand "democracy," "speech rights," and "reform" better fit current complication than so-called "progressive reforming" amendments.   Their "reforms" deny the role of money and markets in politics and instead create an artificial system that hurts rather than helps the cause of freedom. Picking and choosing the protected rights of NON-CANDIDATES would make campaigns more expensive by forcing the public to finance all political speech in order to preserve speech equality. In fact, I agree with most Occupy Wall-street sign waivers that there is no such thing as "corporate person-hood."  Really, Citizens United creates nothing of the sort. 

I do not want to pay any more than I already do for what I think is "bad" public political speech.  Thus, "reforms" that includes universal public financing would be less effective.  We should not fund all expressions of public speech as required by "equal protection."  The current system whereby candidates engage in the election process according to certain rules is best.  However, limiting non-candidates and their speech rights is not okay and not Constitutional.  I want people to have the speech ability to say anything so long as it is protected by existing law and so long as people finance their expression themselves.  Markets will better decide if messages are successful or if networks refuse to display content, they prove unsuccessful. 

Conversely, I do not want to pay as a taxpayer for the public expression of private groups, just to have an equal and publicly financed system.  For example, if we de-monetize elections and create a truly equal financed election system, taxpayers would be forced to pay for speech that it doesn’t support in order to equalize the resource capabilities of non-candidates.  So, as much as I might like or dislike A.A.R.P., I don’t want to pay for its press reports where it as a collective body endorses a candidate.  Currently, were I member of A.A.R.P., I would either have to support the endorsement views of the bodies' leadership, endure the group’s collective decision while fighting within the group to change it, or withdraw my membership dues from it to express my disapproval.  The group exercises its collective speech rights for its members and by leaving, I’d be exercising my individual speech rights to disapprove and leave. 


Also, Citizens United was attacked for bringing more money into the election process, for turning back the clock on election reform, for ignoring supreme court precedence that critics believe limited unnecessary corporate influence, for using previous dissenting opinions to support court action, and for increasing the role of money in political campaigns (see Justice Stevens' dissent, etc.).   But, P.A.C.’s are required to be careful, specific with their record-keeping, and subject to an incredible level of review (Kennedy, Citizens United).  That makes engaging in corporate political speech quite prohibitive.  Federally-imposed expenses in fact LIMIT the number of PACs, concentrating P.A.C. wealth in the giants that can afford F.E.C. expenses and the political backlash.  Now, the post-Citizens system opens up corporate expenditures to smaller corporations that are less likely to afford the FEC’s expensive oversight (Darmstadter).  Instead, this decision firmly rests on court precedents that dissenting justices have ideological disagreements with and thus they fail to understand.

I'll list the principles traced through precedence from the founding of the country.  I wrote this note not to defend corporations, justify their money expenditures, or further the CONTENT of their speech.  Rather, I want to draw attention to catchall abstractions, like those that exist in proposed constitutional amendments that seek to "end Corporate Personhood," because such abstractions lack a strong basis in reality and fail to accurately describe in a logical way the complicated "rights" that we have now.  Here are some principles upheld by this case.

Continuing Supreme Court Principles UPHELD in Citizens United 2009, summarized from the 5 Justice majority opinion written by Justice Kennedy:

Corporations and "the Freedoms of Association and Equal Justice."

  1. Corporations are LEGAL relationships between people, bound together for collective action (commerce for example).
  2. Corporations do not have "personhood," the related members of a corporation do. 
  3. Legal non-candidate collective speech expression is protected by the Constitution and case law.
  4. The first Amendment continues to protect freedom of association.
  5. Collective interests or associations of people can express opinions through majority agreement of that speech's CONTENT.
  6. There is continued "equal protection" for all legal types of collective associations (14th amendment)

Regulated Elections Process Maintained:

  1. The Federal government is still responsible for the national "integrity" of the elections process.
  2. Candidates are individual persons who voluntarily engage in an elections system that sets boundaries for what they can and cannot do or say during a federally monitored period of time.
  3. Collective associations of people CAN still have their direct contributions to system-bound candidates limited.
  4. Candidates MUST accept non-candidate contributions within parameters set by the Federal Elections Commission (F.E.C.) because as individuals, they are bound to the electoral regulatory system.
  5. Expenses incurred during an election are paid for using currency. (Sounds simple, I know)
  6. Candidates MUST fund their expression and pay for expenses within the parameters of F.E.C. rules because of their voluntary agreement to join the campaign system. 
  7. Non-profits can engage in collective speech in a different way than for-profits.

Candidates and Non-candidates:

  1. Corporations CANNOT be candidates for elections, only individual persons can.
  2. Corporations CANNOT voluntarily join the campaign system because they are not people and only people can stand as candidates for elections.
  3. Corporations MAY express opinions for the majority of their associative parts.
  4. Candidate campaigns exist in the name of individual candidates, thus subjecting them to different rules than non-candidate collections of people.
  5. Both candidates and non-candidates MUST keep records in accordance with federal law.  Doing so otherwise is criminal behavior.  

Minority Objections to Collective Speech:

  1. Majority decision-making and a set of governing rules are used to make determinations for the U.S. government, so to for corporations.
  2. Therefore, collective associations following rules that do not conflict with the law can be assumed to be operating legally.
  3. Disagreeing parts (a minority) of the Federal government can express their disagreement individually, but do not speak or make determinations for the majority of the Federal government. 
  4. Disagreeing members of corporations have individual freedoms of speech, but their opinion is not the opinion of the majority or the corporation.

Corporate Criminality: 

"YOU CAN'T HOLD A CORPORATION TO ACCOUNT, BUT THE GOVERNMENT CAN JAIL ITS INDIVIDUAL CRIMINAL MEMBERS." ME

  1. Criminal and civil justice always involves individual punishments--you cannot put a corporation in jail--even if the punishment is distributed equally to a collection of people as in a corporation.
  2. You can dissolve a corporation by dissolving the legal relationships that bind people in a collective.  However, some legal and financial obligations may remain after the association is officially terminated.
  3. Individuals bear collective costs, corporations are just legal relationships.
  4. "Corporations" can be civilly punished in court (fines, license removals, etc.) which punishes all parts, majority or minority opinions of real people as part of the collective voluntary association.
  5. Groups of people can be held accountable for individual acts if guilty.
  6. Corporations are groups of people who can be collectively held accountable and liable for individual acts by its members.
  7. Corporations exist only by their constituent (person) parts by a lawyer's representation in court and individual group members are considered innocent until proven guilty.
  8. Individual members of a corporation are allowed all due process rights. 

Abstract or Fallacious Premises from CRITICS of the decision:

  1. Mass political speech can exist in 2012 America without cost (meaning money).
  2. Because of Citizens, those with more money (implied corporations) have more speech rights than those with less. (Speech is allowed equally if it meets the standards set by the Supreme Court concerning unacceptable forms of speech like child pornography, fighting words, etc.)
  3. Corporations will have an illegal influence on elections if collective speech isn't "reformed" so  corporations are disadvantaged.
  4. Most corporations find it beneficial to engage in political speech (see Kennedy's majority decision).
  5. "Corporations" are people.

Sources:

Cornell University Law School. "Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission (Docket No. 08-205)" http://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/cert/08-205

 Darmstadter, Howard.  "Making Sense of Citizens United" National Affairs.  Spring 2012, Issue II.Washington D.C., 2012. 

Smith, Bradley.  "Corporations are People, Too."  National Public Radio.  http//www.npr.org/templates/story.php?storyId=112711410.

 Supreme Court of the United States.  "Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission." http://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/09pdf/08-205.pdf

 Reclaiming Democracy.  "Proposed Constitutional Amendments." http://reclaimdemocracy.org/proposed_constitutional_amendments/